The Cyber-Fossil-War-Machine © (CFWM) accelerates planetary destruction. Planetary health has a low value to the CFWM because it does not depend on it much to sustain itself. It may still require some manual labour to meet its ever-growing demands for energy and raw materials, but it certainly does not need the Professional-Managerial Class or the Executive Boards to develop its strategy. These entities are used as resources, but they are wholly expendable. The CFWM is already rolling at full steam.
For Jason W. Moore, planetary destruction is a by-product of class struggle. It certainly is, without a shadow of a doubt. However, Moore’s conclusion that concern for planetary health in general is a bourgeois interest might be a bit of a shortcut. It is obvious that any concern for planetary health that ignores capitalism—and the way it functions as a system of exploitation—is not going to go very far. And yes, this is exactly what has been proven by 50 years of “Green Politics.” However, to reduce planetary health to an issue of class struggle suggests that a proletarian revolution would automatically end planetary destruction (as well as imperialism and patriarchy). This excludes the possibility that class struggle may not be the ultimate cause, but merely a medium.
It is worthwhile, however, to test this theory, since we have nothing to lose. To engage in an international proletarian revolution, the first obstacle is going to be identity thinking—especially any form that replaces class-related interests with identity-related interests, such as ethnocentrism, nationalism, xenophobia, homophobia, transphobia, etc. Either we are all part of the web of life and thus require a notion of a universal right to exist, or we fall back into the arbitrary logic of identity-collectives.
This already seems like an insurmountable problem, especially in the West, where advocating for universal human rights—including the rights of Palestinians to live—is currently being criminalized. That is to say, every utterance that extends the universality of the web of life questions the territorial sovereignty of the ruling class and is thus an act of class war. This means that exploiting the universalist veneer of the language of rights, and the procedural rationality of democracy, to actually realize universal rights and real democracy is already an act of class war. Every practical articulation of the planetary connectedness of life is already an act of class war. That means monism is not a bourgeois ideology, but in fact the true philosophy of agonistique. Every form of dialectics finds its home in a monistic “place of birth”: what Plato called khōra.
Monism is not a philosophy of unity-in-being, but of connections and associations; it is a philosophy of difference—even of dialectical oppositions—as these oppositions can only exist in relation to interests that bind them to conatus. The pursuit of some interests accelerates entropy (e.g., capitalism, the CFWM), whereas others are more likely to sustain negentropy. Conatus—as a will to power that affirms the web of life—is the iteration between entropic and negentropic forces. That is a more abstract way of referring to class war, but one that may help us resist the temptation of shortcuts into Leninist pragmatism, Trotskyist arrogance, or Stalinist paranoia. In this sense, monism is not the opposite of dialectical materialism, but its starting point.
Faced with ongoing planetary destruction, we can no longer be concerned with saving the planet as it once was. Our only future lies in transforming how we sustain life in the post-apocalypse. Even after his death, the planet will still have to deal with Trump for the foreseeable future—until the CFWM decides it no longer needs kakistocracy. The CFWM will allow these obscene masters to shit all over us until that time comes.
Disaffected Sociology 
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